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El Congreso pasa por alto a Benedict Arnold para su promoción

El Congreso pasa por alto a Benedict Arnold para su promoción



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El 19 de febrero de 1777, el Congreso Continental vota para promover a Thomas Mifflin, Arthur St. Clair, William Alexander, Lord Stirling, Adam Stephen y Benjamin Lincoln al rango de mayor general. Aunque los ascensos estaban destinados en parte a equilibrar el número de generales de cada estado, el general de brigada Benedict Arnold se sintió desairado de que cinco oficiales subalternos recibieran ascensos antes que él y, en respuesta, amenazaron con dimitir del ejército patriota.

En una carta fechada el 3 de abril de 1777, el general George Washington le escribió a Arnold desde su cuartel general en Morristown, Nueva Jersey, y confesó que se sorprendió cuando no vi su nombre en la lista de generales de división. Pensando que la omisión del nombre de Arnold era un error, Washington desanimó al decepcionado Arnold de dar un paso apresurado.

Para consternación de Arnold, pronto se enteró de que su comandante en jefe estaba equivocado y presentó su renuncia al Congreso en julio de 1777, pero la retiró a instancias de Washington. A pesar de contar con el apoyo de George Washington, Arnold siguió sintiéndose injustamente ignorado por sus superiores. Finalmente, en 1780, Arnold traicionó a su país al ofrecer entregar el fuerte controlado por Patriot en West Point, Nueva York, a los británicos. Con West Point bajo su control, los británicos habrían controlado el crítico valle del río Hudson y habrían separado a Nueva Inglaterra del resto de las colonias. Su esposa, Margaret, era leal y no se habría opuesto a sus planes. Sin embargo, su plan fue frustrado y Arnold, el héroe de Ticonderoga y Saratoga, se convirtió en el traidor más famoso de la historia de Estados Unidos. Continuó luchando del lado de los británicos en la Revolución y, después de la guerra, regresó a Gran Bretaña, donde murió desamparado en Londres en 1801.

LEER MÁS: George Washington advirtió contra las luchas políticas internas en su discurso de despedida


Benedict Arnold

El profesor James Kirby Martin explora cómo George Washington y Benedict Arnold, una vez hermanos de armas, se convirtieron en enemigos acérrimos.

Un general en el Ejército Continental durante la Guerra de la Independencia, Benedict Arnold sirvió con distinción en varias batallas, pero fue pasado por alto para ascensos varias veces. Arnold también fue investigado por el Congreso Continental durante su servicio y enfrentó varias acusaciones de opositores. Frustrado por la oposición que encontró, Arnold finalmente comenzó a trabajar para los británicos incluso mientras continuaba sirviendo en el Ejército Continental. Al final, se descubrió su traición y Arnold huyó a la ciudad de Nueva York, aceptando una comisión en el ejército británico. El nombre de Arnold se ha convertido en sinónimo de comportamiento traidor y es quizás una de las figuras más infames de la historia de Estados Unidos.

Benedict Arnold nació en 1741 en una prominente familia de Connecticut. Arnold perdió a la mayoría de sus hermanos a causa de la fiebre amarilla, eventos calamitosos que desencadenaron el alcoholismo en su padre. Cuando era adolescente, la familia de Arnold enfrentó dificultades financieras. A la edad de dieciséis años, Arnold se alistó en una milicia y sirvió en la Guerra de Francia e India en el norte del estado de Nueva York. Durante la década de 1760, Arnold inició un exitoso negocio de botica.

El papel de Arnold como un prominente hombre de negocios lo puso en conflicto directo con la Ley del Timbre y la Ley del Azúcar, donde el gobierno británico buscaba regular y gravar las transacciones comerciales coloniales. Arnold se unió a los Hijos de la Libertad y continuó con su negocio desafiando los actos británicos, convirtiéndose efectivamente en un contrabandista. Fue elegido capitán de la milicia de Connecticut en 1775 y participó en el asedio de Boston, la captura de Fort Ticonderoga y la batalla de Saratoga, donde recibió una herida en la pierna.

A pesar de este servicio, Arnold fue el foco de hostilidad de varios oficiales del Ejército Continental. Arnold presentó quejas contra Moses Hazen que llevaron a su consejo de guerra. Luego, Hazen niveló contraataques. Arnold también se involucró en conflictos con John Brown y James Easton. Brown en respuesta publicó un panfleto que decía de Arnold: "El dinero es el Dios de este hombre, y para obtener suficiente sacrificaría a su país". 1

Después de ser pasado por alto para la promoción al puesto de Mayor General, Arnold presentó su renuncia. George Washington, sin embargo, se negó a aceptar la retirada. Poco después, Arnold participó en la Batalla de Saratoga, donde fue nuevamente herido en su pierna izquierda, la misma pierna que había sido lesionada anteriormente. Poco después, Washington nombró a Arnold como comandante militar de Filadelfia, donde sus intentos de sacar provecho de su puesto chocaron con los funcionarios locales. En 1778 y 1779, Arnold expresó su decepción y pesimismo sobre las perspectivas de los Estados Unidos, y se acumuló evidencia de que estaba conspirando con los británicos al intercambiar información militar sensible por dinero. Aunque absuelto de un consejo de guerra, Arnold fue reprendido por Washington, quien calificó su conducta de "imprudente e impropia". 2

Ambición valiente: una entrevista con Nathaniel Philbrick

Arnold renunció a su puesto en Filadelfia y finalmente obtuvo el mando en West Point, donde entabló negociaciones secretas con los británicos. Transfirió dinero a las fuerzas británicas y transmitió información que ayudaría a los británicos a capturar West Point, mientras debilitaba las defensas del fuerte y reducía sus suministros.

John Andre, el contacto británico de Arnold, fue capturado y finalmente ejecutado por su papel en la trama. Arnold evitó por poco la captura de los estadounidenses y finalmente huyó a Inglaterra. Arnold sirvió en el ejército británico durante la guerra y luego se dedicó a los negocios en Canadá e Inglaterra hasta su muerte en 1801. Desde entonces, su nombre se ha convertido en sinónimo de fracaso moral, traición e interés propio siniestro. Su complejo legado, sin embargo, se refleja en el inusual monumento a él en el Parque Histórico Nacional de Saratoga. El monumento consiste en una estatua de una pierna desprendida en una bota, en alusión al heroísmo de Arnold en Saratoga y la herida en la pierna que sufrió allí. Sin embargo, la estatua no lleva su nombre.

Katie Uva
El Centro de Graduados de la City University of New York

Notas:
1. Citado en James Kirby Martin, Benedict Arnold, héroe revolucionario: reconsideración de un guerrero estadounidense (Nueva York: NYU Press, 2000), 324.


El Congreso pasa por alto a Benedict Arnold para su promoción - 19 de febrero de 1777 - HISTORY.com

TSgt Joe C.

En este día de 1777, el Congreso Continental vota para promover a Thomas Mifflin Arthur St. Clair William Alexander, Lord Stirling Adam Stephen y Benjamin Lincoln al rango de mayor general. Aunque los ascensos estaban destinados en parte a equilibrar el número de generales de cada estado, el general de brigada Benedict Arnold se sintió desairado de que cinco oficiales subalternos recibieran ascensos antes que él y, en respuesta, amenazaron con dimitir del ejército patriota.

En una carta fechada el 3 de abril de 1777, el general George Washington le escribió a Arnold desde su cuartel general en Morristown, Nueva Jersey, y confesó que se sorprendió cuando no vi su nombre en la lista de generales de división. Pensando que la omisión del nombre de Arnold era un error, Washington desanimó al decepcionado Arnold de dar un paso apresurado.

Para consternación de Arnold, pronto se enteró de que su comandante en jefe estaba equivocado y presentó su renuncia al Congreso en julio de 1777, pero la retiró a instancias de Washington. A pesar de contar con el apoyo de George Washington, Arnold siguió sintiéndose injustamente ignorado por sus superiores. Finalmente, en 1780, Arnold traicionó a su país al ofrecer entregar el fuerte controlado por Patriot en West Point, Nueva York, a los británicos. Con West Point bajo su control, los británicos habrían controlado el crítico valle del río Hudson y habrían separado a Nueva Inglaterra del resto de las colonias. Su esposa, Margaret, era leal y no se habría opuesto a sus planes. Sin embargo, su plan fue frustrado y Arnold, el héroe de Ticonderoga y Saratoga, se convirtió en el traidor más famoso de la historia de Estados Unidos. Continuó luchando del lado de los británicos en la Revolución y, después de la guerra, regresó a Gran Bretaña, donde murió desamparado en Londres en 1801.


¿Cómo influyeron las heridas de Arnold en la batalla de Saratoga en su camino hacia la traición a la causa estadounidense?

El & quot; Monumento a las botas & quot en el campo de batalla de Saratoga. Este monumento marca el lugar donde Benedict Arnold fue herido en la batalla.

Definitivamente un factor. Gravemente herido en la misma pierna en la que había recibido su primera herida terrible en Quebec, Benedict Arnold estuvo enojado y malhumorado durante más de cuatro meses en un hospital militar patriota en Albany, NY. Tuvo mucho tiempo para pensar cuánto sufrimiento estaba pasando después de haber sido pasado por alto para un rango más alto, un insulto ardiente para su buen nombre como un patriota virtuoso, y además de cuánto había sacrificado en términos de usar su propio riqueza para apoyar la causa estadounidense.

Además, había abandonado su lucrativa carrera como comerciante que operaba en New Haven, CT. El Congreso había restaurado su rango antes de Saratoga, pero no su antigüedad. Cuando Washington escribió a un Benedict Arnold que aún sufría en enero de 1778, después de la gran victoria en Saratoga, que el Congreso finalmente había restaurado su antigüedad, Arnold no respondió de inmediato. Estaba furioso porque el Congreso había otorgado una medalla a Horatio Gates como el presunto "héroe de Saratoga" cuando Arnold había proporcionado el liderazgo de campo en ambas batallas que llevaron a los estadounidenses a la victoria.

Cuando Benedict Arnold respondió a Washington, dijo que le deseaba lo mejor al comandante en jefe en su "ardua tarea" de "ver la paz y la felicidad restauradas en su país de manera más permanente". En su creciente desilusión, Arnold se estaba separando de una causa en la que estaba perdiendo su fe. Envió esta carta a Washington en marzo de 1778, dos años y medio antes de que renunciara por completo a la causa estadounidense.


Del Mayor General Benedict Arnold

De acuerdo con el consejo que me dio su excelencia cuando estuve en el campamento, solicité al Congreso que nombrara un comité para examinar los cargos formulados en mi contra por el presidente y el consejo de este estado, mi solicitud fue atendida, el informe del comité he Se ha tomado la libertad de incluirlo, después de leerlo detenidamente, Su Excelencia sin duda se sorprenderá al descubrir que el Congreso ha ordenado a una Corte Marcial que me juzgue (entre otros cargos) por algunos de los cuales su Comité me ha absuelto de la manera más completa y clara y Aunque esta conducta puede ser necesaria para el interés público, es difícil conciliarla con los sentimientos de una persona que resulta lesionada por ello.2

El señor Reed, por su discurso, ha mantenido el asunto en suspenso durante casi dos meses, y por fin obtuvo la resolución anterior del Congreso, y no tengo ninguna duda, utilice todos los artificios para retrasar el procedimiento de una corte marcial, ya que es de su interés el El asunto debe permanecer en la oscuridad Y aunque el Congreso para evitar una ruptura con este Estado, se ha negado, decidiendo sobre el informe de su comisión, no tengo ninguna duda de obtener justicia de una corte marcial, ya que todo oficial del Ejército debe sentirse herido. por el trato cruel y sin precedentes con el que me he encontrado por parte de un grupo de Scoundrils en Office. Debo rogar sinceramente a Su Excelencia que se ordene a una corte marcial que se siente lo antes posible. Si se puede hacer en esta ciudad, lo estimaré como un gran favor, ya que mis heridas lo hacen extremadamente incómodo, para mí asistir al campamento. donde es muy difícil obtener las acomodaciones necesarias para la recuperación de los mismos. También será extremadamente difícil, si no impracticable, presentar en el campamento las pruebas, que están todas en esta ciudad, pero si el servicio hace absolutamente necesario que el tribunal se celebre en el campamento, le ruego que lo antes posible se arregle. Por ello en la medida de lo posible, y que el Presidente y el Consejo de este Estado puedan tener tal Aviso, que el Tribunal no se demore por falta de su Evidencia. La mina estará lista en el plazo más breve.

Cuando su excelencia considere mis sufrimientos y la situación cruel en la que me encuentro, su propia humanidad y sus sentimientos como soldado harán innecesario todo lo que pueda decir más adelante sobre el tema. Le ruego mis mejores respetos a la Sra. Washington y estoy con sentimientos de perfecto respeto y estima. Dr. Sir Su Excelencia el Afectuoso y Mo. Obedt Humble Servt

1. Arnold dejó la fecha en blanco, pero la carta se registró como recibida el 18 de abril.

2. Arnold había escrito al Congreso el 8 y 12 de febrero solicitando un juicio e investigación de los cargos que se le habían presentado en una carta del 25 de enero del presidente del Consejo Ejecutivo Supremo de Pensilvania, Joseph Reed, al Congreso, y en una ley aprobada por Pensilvania el 3 de febrero. El Congreso leyó las cartas de Arnold el 15 de febrero e inmediatamente resolvió pedirle a GW que convocara una corte marcial para juzgar al general. El 16 de febrero, remitió las cartas de Arnold a un comité de cinco hombres que ya había estado investigando los cargos contenidos en la carta de Reed del 25 de enero, y suspendió a Arnold del mando en el ejército hasta que se determinara su destino (la descripción de JCC comienza Worthington Chauncey Ford et al., Eds. Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789. 34 vols. Washington, DC, 1904–37. Finaliza la descripción, 13: 184, 188–89).

La copia adjunta del "Informe del Comité del Congreso designado para examinar los cargos presentados contra el General Arnold por el Presidente y el Consejo del Estado de Pensilvania", firmado por el presidente del comité William Paca, resume las conclusiones del comité, que fueron presentadas a Congreso el 17 de marzo: “Los cargos primero, segundo, tercero y quinto son delitos que se pueden juzgar solo en una corte marcial, que el cuarto cargo es un delito solo de naturaleza civil y que solo se puede juzgar en un tribunal de derecho común, que el sexto séptimo , y los cargos octavos son delitos que no pueden ser juzgados por una corte marcial o un tribunal de derecho común, o están sujetos a cualquier otro castigo que no sea el desagrado del Congreso y las consecuencias del mismo.

“Que el Comité Ejecutivo recibió pruebas por parte del Consejo Ejecutivo Supremo sobre los cargos quinto y séptimo a los que piden permiso para referirse, que el Comité de dicho Consejo Ejecutivo, aunque solicitó repetidamente, se negó a dar prueba sobre el resto de los cargos. Cargos después de solicitudes infructuosas Durante tres semanas durante las cuales pasaron varias Cartas entre el Consejo Ejecutivo Supremo y el Comité, en las cuales el Consejo Ejecutivo Supremo amenaza al Comité y lo acusa de Parcialidad.

“Se resolvió que, en cuanto al primer y segundo cargo, no aparece ninguna evidencia que tienda a probar lo mismo, que dichos cargos estén completamente explicados y que las apariencias que conllevan de criminalidad estén completamente obviadas por pruebas claras e incuestionables.

“El tercer cargo admitido por el general Arnold en una instancia, para ser transmitido al comandante en jefe.

“Se resolvió que la carta de recomendación en el sexto cargo no está dentro del espíritu de la resolución del Congreso, o una usurpación de autoridad.

“Se resolvió que la carta en el séptimo cargo, aunque no en términos de perfecta civilidad, aún no se expresa en términos de indignidad, y que después de la conducta del Consejo Ejecutivo Supremo del Sd hacia el Sd General Arnold, y las medidas sin precedentes que tomaron para obtener satisfacción, excluye total y absolutamente todo derecho a concesiones o reconocimiento.

“Resuelto en el octavo cargo que no hay evidencia para probar lo mismo. El cuarto cargo no aparece evidencia que demuestre lo mismo y que solo se puede juzgar en un tribunal de derecho consuetudinario.

"El quinto cargo que se transmitirá al Comandante en Jefe" (DLC: GW el informe está impreso en la descripción de JCC comienza Worthington Chauncey Ford et al., Eds. Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789. 34 vols. Washington, DC , 1904–37. Finaliza la descripción, 13: 324–26). Aunque el comité había encontrado que muchos de los cargos contra Arnold no estaban probados y había criticado la falta de cooperación de Pensilvania en la investigación, el Congreso, que buscaba reparar una brecha cada vez mayor con Reed y su consejo, resolvió el 3 de abril que “las quejas contra el General Arnold sea transmitido a su excelencia el Comandante en Jefe, para que sea juzgado y que el mismo sea debidamente notificado al consejo ejecutivo y que se les solicite que proporcionen al Comandante en Jefe las pruebas en su poder y que todos los procedimientos posteriores en otro lugar cesar, salvo la recopilación y transmisión de cualquier evidencia adicional al Comandante en Jefe ”en otras palabras, el juicio continuaría (la descripción de JCC comienza Worthington Chauncey Ford et al., eds. Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789. 34 vols .Washington, DC, 1904–37. Finaliza la descripción, 13: 414–16 (véase también John Jay a GW, 12 de abril).

GW cumplió con esta resolución el 20 de abril al ordenar un consejo de guerra (ver sus cartas de esa fecha a Arnold, John Jay y el Consejo Ejecutivo Supremo de Pensilvania). Para su disgusto, el asunto no terminó ahí, sino que se convirtió en una disputa prolongada y sórdida que amenazaba con dañar las relaciones de GW con el gobierno de Pensilvania y al mismo tiempo alienar permanentemente a Arnold. El 24 de abril, Joseph Reed escribió una extensa carta a GW en la que se quejaba de que había malinterpretado el papel del Consejo Ejecutivo Supremo de Pensilvania al preferir los cargos contra Arnold. La desconcertada e igualmente extensa respuesta de Arnold GW del 27 de abril solo puso fin parcialmente al malentendido (ver GW a Reed , 8 y 15 de mayo Reed a GW, 1 de mayo y el Consejo Ejecutivo Supremo de Pensilvania a GW, 8 de mayo).

Mientras tanto, los intentos de GW de fijar una fecha temprana para el juicio, originalmente fijado para el 1 de junio, se vieron obstaculizados en todo momento por la confusión burocrática y los movimientos enemigos. Aunque el tribunal se reunió el 1 de junio el tiempo suficiente para que Arnold se opusiera a la presencia de tres de sus miembros, un consejo de guerra se reunió más tarde ese día y decidió posponer el juicio indefinidamente debido a un movimiento británico por el río Hudson (Council of War, 1 de junio, DLC: GW). "No puedo", escribió GW a Timothy Matlack el 2 de junio, "fijar la hora en que se reunirá el Tribunal, ya que debe depender de las operaciones del enemigo" (PHi: Dreer Collection). La corte no se reunió hasta el 20 de diciembre de 1779 (ver GW to Arnold, 4 de diciembre, DLC: GW y Órdenes generales, 19 de diciembre). Llegó a un veredicto el 26 de enero de 1780, cuando absolvió a Arnold de la mayoría de los cargos en su contra, pero lo declaró culpable de incumplimiento del deber en dos puntos relativamente menores (ver Órdenes Generales, 6 de abril de 1780). El Congreso confirmó el veredicto el 12 de febrero (la descripción del JCC comienza en Worthington Chauncey Ford et al., Eds. Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789. 34 vols. Washington, DC, 1904–37. Finaliza la descripción, 16: 161–62 ), pero esperó otro mes antes de reenviarlo a GW, quien estaba obligado a reprender a Arnold en órdenes generales. Lo hizo el 6 de abril de 1780, pero para entonces el daño ya estaba hecho: Arnold, furioso por lo que consideraba una conspiración en su contra, había iniciado contactos secretos con los británicos a finales de la primavera de 1779. Véase GW a Arnold, 26 y 28 de abril, 7 y 15 de mayo, 2 de junio (DLC: GW) y 4 de diciembre (DLC: GW) 1779 Arnold a GW, 5, 14 y 18 de mayo, y 13 de julio (DLC: GW) 1779 y Samuel Huntington a GW, 11 de marzo de 1780 (DLC: GW).


Historia de los EE. UU .: Benedict Arnold: Podría haber sido un contendiente

Su nombre evoca instantáneamente imágenes de traición a la luz de las velas. Pero, ¿qué hizo exactamente Benedict Arnold? hacer?

Bueno, se puso en contacto con espías utilizando los amigos leales de su esposa, les contó a los británicos sobre la ubicación de las tropas rebeldes y los suministros, tomó el mando del fuerte en West Point para los rebeldes, luego hizo en secreto todo lo que pudo para paralizarlo y vendió las debilidades del fuerte a los británicos. Y eso es solo para empezar. Después de que se descubrió esa última estratagema, Arnold huyó en un barco británico antes de que pudieran colgarlo. Los británicos reconocieron el potencial de Arnold y le dieron algunas posiciones militares bastante potentes: lideró a 1.600 casacas rojas y leales en una serie devastadora de redadas en Virginia y un feroz asalto al puerto rebelde de New London, Connecticut, que quemó hasta los cimientos.

Pero podría haber sido un héroe estadounidense si sus cartas se hubieran repartido de manera un poco diferente. En 1775, Arnold y Ethan Allen fueron co-comandantes de la expedición que capturó Fort Ticonderoga. Luego, en 1777, aunque superado en número, Arnold luchó ferozmente por el lago Champlain y luego infligió mucho daño antes de retirarse en la Batalla de Ridgefield. Y durante la culminante Batalla de Saratoga, Arnold tomó dos para el equipo: una bala británica le disparó en la pierna y luego fue aplastado bajo su caballo que caía.

Mientras estaba postrado en cama y con dolor, Arnold reflexionó sobre lo mal que iban las cosas: su logro en Ticonderoga se perdió en una batalla política sobre quién se atribuiría el mérito de la victoria (ganador: Ethan Allen), y sus heroicos esfuerzos en el lago Champlain y Saratoga se fueron no reconocidos ya que técnicamente eran derrotas.

En febrero de 1777, el Congreso Continental pasó por alto a Arnold para la promoción y se lo entregó a un oficial subalterno. Arnold finalmente fue ascendido, pero el Congreso no le dio antigüedad, lo que significa que todavía estaba subordinado a los oficiales subalternos.

Para colmo de males, Arnold enfrentó una campaña de difamación por parte de sus enemigos en el Congreso Continental (las acusaciones pueden haber sido un poco ciertas, pero lo que sea). Como gobernador militar de Filadelfia, Arnold hizo negocios con información privilegiada que se beneficiaron del suministro de provisiones a los ejércitos rebeldes. Cuando los comerciantes y políticos locales protestaron por sus tratos corruptos, Arnold exigió un consejo de guerra para limpiar su nombre. Fue absuelto de todos los cargos menos dos menores, pero estos aún provocaron una reprimenda bastante desagradable de Washington. No mucho después, los contadores del Congreso calcularon que, después de contabilizar los gastos de sus campañas en el norte, Arnold les debía 1.000 libras.

Y eso es más o menos cuando Arnold los atacó. Pero Benedict no parecía hacer amigos en ningún lugar al que iba: terminó siendo excluido de decisiones importantes por parte de la élite de oficiales británicos, luego perdió un montón de dinero en malos negocios y tuvo una serie de enfrentamientos alarmantes, que incluyen batirse en duelo con un miembro del Parlamento y ser quemado en efigie por la gente del pueblo en St. John.

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Reseñas de Renegado

Renegado hace un excelente trabajo utilizando documentos publicados y manuscritos para argumentar que, si bien Arnold era un personaje en conflicto cuya valentía y carisma estaban en desacuerdo con su vanidad y naturaleza egoísta, él personalmente creía en la rectitud de sus acciones de 1779 hasta 1781…. La prosa es convincente y de ritmo rápido, y esta nueva perspectiva de la guerra [revolucionaria] le da al lector mucho en qué pensar ". - El historiador

"Las conclusiones de Brumwell & # 8217 están meticulosamente respaldadas por la investigación & # 8230 todavía Renegado no es un ejercicio académico sofocante. Bien escrita, de fácil acceso tanto para académicos como para legos, esta biografía devuelve a la humanidad la vida de un sinvergüenza ". & # 8211 Suplemento literario Times

“Brumwell es un narrador cautivador & # 8230 este es un libro espléndido, inteligente y articulado que los lectores ocasionales y los eruditos de Arnold disfrutarán por igual”. & # 8211 Revista de la Revolución Americana

“El periodista convertido en historiador Brumwell había sondeado archivos de aquí para allá para producir el retrato más completo y equilibrado del héroe de la Guerra Revolucionaria Estadounidense que, en el apogeo de su éxito y fama, se pasó a los británicos, y cuyo nombre se convirtió posteriormente en Estados Unidos. un epíteto para la traición más negra y la iniquidad casi inexplicable ". - El diario Heythrop

"Renegado pinta una imagen fascinante de Arnold & # 8230, era claramente un hombre de muchos talentos y Brumwell, aunque no excusa su traición, hace mucho para humanizarlo ". El analista de la CIA John Ehrman, Estudios en Inteligencia

"Turncoat ofrece una perspectiva nueva y única, y una perspectiva que lo convierte en un libro esencial para todos los lectores apasionados por descubrir la verdadera historia de la Revolución Americana". - Historia del ejército

& # 8220 El cuidadoso estudio de Brumwell, un modelo de erudición y perspicacia humana (no cualidades que a menudo se encuentran juntas), proporciona una visión revisionista totalmente convincente del caso Arnold. Mientras lo analiza, una media docena de factores estaban en juego simultáneamente, empujando a Arnold hacia la traición. En última instancia, afirma Brumwell, el comportamiento de Arnold fue demasiado humano. Con su destacado análisis del caso Arnold, Brumwell ha escrito un libro que pone en perspectiva la notoria paranoia estadounidense sobre la traición. & # 8221 Frank McLynn, Revisión literaria

& # 8220Una buena historia & # 8230 ofrece nueva evidencia y un argumento convincente sobre las verdaderas razones detrás de la traición de Arnold al movimiento de independencia estadounidense. Si pensaba que todo se trataba de dinero, Brumwell le hará pensar de nuevo. Su relato de la forma totalmente accidental en la que se descubrió la traición planeada y lo que sucedió a continuación se lee como un guión de Hollywood de primera categoría: es un verdadero mordedor cinematográfico. Si eres un fanático de la historia estadounidense, este libro es un absoluto "no te lo pierdas", y si te gusta escuchando a su historia estadounidense, mi versión en audiolibro le dará aproximadamente 17 horas de inmersión en una historia real notable. & # 8221 Andrew Sellon, actor & amp & # 8216Turncoat & # 8217 narrador de audiolibros

& # 8220 Sr. Brumwell, un historiador militar y biógrafo de George Washington, se centra & # 8216Turncoat & # 8217 en la conspiración de 1780 & # 8211 en la que Arnold jugó un papel clave & # 8211 para dar West Point a los británicos y posiblemente permitir la captura de George Washington & # 8217. Entretejiendo hábilmente esa historia en la historia militar más amplia de la Revolución Estadounidense, Brumwell esboza vívidamente personajes y relata episodios fundamentales. Argumenta que Arnold se veía a sí mismo como alguien que trabajaba para enmendar las relaciones entre Gran Bretaña y Estados Unidos, dando la bienvenida a los términos que eliminaban los motivos de la disputa original. En resumen, lo movía algo más racional que el resentimiento y menos mezquino que el resentimiento. & # 8221 William Anthony Hay, Wall Street Journal

& # 8220 Esta historia lo tiene todo: hay espías y contraespías, suspenso y llamadas cercanas, una mujer hermosa, un comandante británico guapo y encantador, y Alexander Hamilton. Es sorprendente que Hollywood no haya hecho un gran esfuerzo para adaptarlo a la pantalla. & # 8221 Prof. Gordon S. Wood, The Weekly Standard

& # 8220Lucidamente escrita y rica en detalles, la narrativa de Brumwell explica la traición de Benedict Arnold al creerle su palabra: que el architraidor de la Revolución se volvió el abrigo para salvar a Estados Unidos de una sangrienta guerra civil y una causa patriota descarriada. Las conclusiones de Brumwell son tan provocativas como controvertidas las de Arnold. Una lectura apasionante. & # 8221 Mark Edward Lender, coautor del galardonado Fatal Sunday

& # 8220La evaluación más equilibrada y perspicaz de Benedict Arnold hasta la fecha. Utilizando fuentes de manuscritos recientes, Brumwell reafirma la importancia crucial de la acción humana en la historia. & # 8221 Edward G. Lengel, autor del General George Washington y editor de los Papers of George Washington

& # 8220Agarre & # 8230 Este excelente libro sitúa a Benedict Arnold en varios contextos: cuestiones de lealtad y deslealtad, la traición como concepto político y las relaciones delictivas entre el honor, la reputación, la política y la guerra y la prueba de 1780 para todos los que se vieron envueltos en la Revolución. Guerra. En un momento en que las acusaciones de traición y deslealtad se inmiscuyen en nuestra política diaria, Renegado es lectura esencial. & # 8221 R. B. Bernstein, City College de Nueva York

& # 8220 Escrito con gracia y estilo por un destacado historiador militar, Renegado examina la carrera de Benedict Arnold como soldado en ambos bandos durante la Guerra de Independencia. Al hacerlo, Brumwell ha escrito un estudio incisivo de la guerra y el significado mismo de la Revolución Americana. & # 8221 Francis D. Cogliano, autor de Revolutionary America

El historiador Brumwell (George Washington: caballero guerrero) ofrece una explicación provocativa para uno de los misterios perdurables de la Revolución Americana: ¿por qué Benedict Arnold, uno de "los subordinados más famosos y valorados de Washington", se convirtió en un traidor en 1780? Brumwell rechaza las teorías más comunes: que Arnold se sintió irrespetado por el Congreso Continental, que lo rechazó para un ascenso a pesar de su impresionante historial como comandante militar, o que la codicia fue su principal motivación. En cambio, Brumwell acredita las propias declaraciones de Arnold de que sentía que las ofertas a los rebeldes para poner fin a la lucha eran tanto genuinas como satisfactorias, y que su deserción tenía la intención de reunir al fracturado Imperio Británico. Brumwell apoya su caso con pruebas como los escritos del oficial británico John Simcoe y hace plausible la noción contradictoria de que la posición de Arnold no era marginal, sino que en realidad era "sintomática de un descontento mucho más amplio" entre los colonos. También narra el arco de la vida de Arnold y les recuerda a los no especialistas que la eventual victoria de los estadounidenses estaba lejos de ser inevitable. Los lectores de mente abierta apreciarán su opinión disidente de que Arnold puede haber "realmente tenido el bienestar de su país en el corazón", una opinión que Brumwell cree que "merece una consideración cuidadosa dentro de cualquier reexamen equilibrado del traidor más infame de Estados Unidos". Publishers Weekly (reseña destacada)


Contenido

Benedict Arnold nació en 1741 en una familia acomodada en la ciudad portuaria de Norwich en la colonia británica de Connecticut. [1] Se interesó por los asuntos militares desde una edad temprana, sirviendo brevemente (sin ver acción) en la milicia colonial durante la Guerra Francesa e India en 1757. [2] Se embarcó en una carrera como hombre de negocios, primero abriendo una tienda. en New Haven, y luego participar en el comercio exterior. Poseía y operaba barcos que navegaban hacia las Indias Occidentales, Quebec y Europa. [3] Cuando el Parlamento británico comenzó a imponer impuestos a sus colonias, los negocios de Arnold comenzaron a verse afectados por ellos y las actividades de los colonos que se oponían a los impuestos, una causa a la que finalmente se unió. [4] En 1767 se casó con Margaret Mansfield, con quien tuvo tres hijos, uno de los cuales murió en la infancia. [5] [6]

En marzo de 1775, un grupo de 65 residentes de New Haven formaron la Segunda Compañía del Gobernador de Guardias de Connecticut. Arnold fue elegido como su capitán y organizó entrenamientos y ejercicios en preparación para la guerra. [7] El 21 de abril de 1775, llegaron noticias a New Haven de las batallas iniciales de la revolución en Lexington y Concord. La compañía de Arnold se formó para marchar a Boston al día siguiente, pero el ayuntamiento no les soltó pólvora. In a confrontation between Arnold and David Wooster that is reenacted in New Haven every Powder House Day, Arnold successfully argued with the older man that he would take the powder one way or another. The magazine was opened, Arnold's company was armed, and they marched off to Boston. [8]

During the march, Arnold encountered Connecticut legislator and militia Colonel Samuel Holden Parsons. They discussed the shortage of cannons in the revolutionary forces and, knowing of the large number of cannons at Fort Ticonderoga on Lake Champlain, agreed that an expedition should be sent to capture the fort. [9] Parsons continued on to Hartford, where he raised funds to establish a force under the command of Captain Edward Mott. Mott was instructed to link up with Ethan Allen and the Green Mountain Boys at Bennington in the disputed New Hampshire Grants territory (now Vermont). [10] Meanwhile, Arnold and his Connecticut militia continued on to Cambridge, where Arnold convinced the Massachusetts Committee of Safety to fund an expedition to take the fort. On May 3, the committee appointed him a colonel in the Massachusetts militia and dispatched him, and several captains under his command, to raise an army in Massachusetts. [11] As his captains recruited troops Arnold rode west. When he reached Williamstown he learned of the activities of Mott and Allen. Turning north, he reached Castleton on May 9, where Allen's forces were already gathering. Arnold attempted to gain control over the expedition by asserting the legitimacy of his commission, but Allen's Green Mountain Boys, by far the largest part of the force, refused to act under the command of anyone other than Allen. [12] In a compromise negotiated privately between Allen and Arnold, the two appeared to jointly lead the expedition. [a]

On May 10, 1775, Fort Ticonderoga was assaulted in a dawn attack and taken without a battle, the colonial forces having surprised the outnumbered British garrison. [13] They also captured nearby Fort Crown Point and Fort George, which were occupied by even smaller garrisons. [14] Following these captures, Allen's men broke into the liquor stored at the fort, and became somewhat unruly. Arnold, who wanted to inventory the fort's military assets for possible transport to Boston, was incensed, but powerless to stop them. [15] With the arrival of men his captains had recruited, and of a schooner they had captured, Arnold then executed a daring raid on Fort Saint-Jean, not far from Montreal. He took more prisoners, and also captured the largest military vessel on Lake Champlain, giving the Americans complete military control of the lake. [dieciséis]

After returning to Ticonderoga, Arnold began to exert more authority over the place as Allen's men drifted away. However, a Connecticut force of 1,000 men under Colonel Benjamin Hinman arrived in June with orders placing him in command with Arnold as his subordinate. This act angered Arnold, who felt his efforts on behalf of the revolution were not being recognized he resigned his commission and headed for his home in Connecticut. [17] Arnold's angry response to the loss of command led some members of Congress to dislike him in spite of his military contributions. [18] Congressional opinion of Arnold was also negatively affected by reports circulated by two men that Arnold came to consider enemies. John Brown and James Easton were two of Allen's lieutenants who had traveled to Massachusetts and Philadelphia to report on the action. While their characterizations of Arnold's behavior were accurate, he apparently came to believe that they had probably slandered him, and later interactions with both men were marked by conflict. [19] In an encounter between Arnold and Easton in June, Easton slighted Arnold's authority, to which Arnold responded by challenging the other man to a duel. Easton demurred, and Arnold, in his account of the affair, "took the Liberty of Breaking his head". [20] After Arnold resigned his Massachusetts commission, the state's Committee of Safety appointed Easton to take over the Massachusetts troops at Ticonderoga. [21]

When he reached Albany, Arnold received a letter informing him that his wife had died. [18] He also met with Major General Philip Schuyler, newly in command of the Continental Army's Northern Department, [22] with whom he established a cordial relationship. Arnold returned to New Haven, where he visited his children (now in the care of his sister Hannah) and took care of business dealings. While in New Haven he suffered his first attacks of gout, which plagued him for the rest of his life. [23]

While at Ticonderoga, both Arnold and Allen lobbied Congress with the idea of taking Quebec from the British, as it was lightly defended. [24] General Schuyler was eventually assigned the task of developing a plan to invade Quebec via Lake Champlain in July. The objective was to deprive the British of an important base from which they could attack upper New York. [25] Schuyler intended to lead this force, but due to illness he turned command over to Brigadier General Richard Montgomery early in the expedition, which left in late August. [26]

Arnold, deprived of the opportunity to lead that expedition, went to Cambridge and proposed to George Washington that a second force, in concert with Schuyler's, attack by traveling through the wilderness of what is now Maine to Quebec City. [27] Washington and Schuyler approved the idea, and Washington gave Arnold a colonel's commission in the Continental Army and leadership of the expedition. [28] Arnold used as a guide for the expedition a map and journal he had acquired that were made by John Montresor, a British engineer who mapped the route in 1761. The journal was vague in some details, and, unknown to Arnold, the map contained deliberate omissions to reduce its value to military opponents. [29] [30]

The force of 1,100 recruits embarked from Newburyport, Massachusetts on September 19, 1775, arriving at Gardinerston, Maine, where Arnold had made prior arrangements with Major Reuben Colburn to construct 200 shallow-draft boats known as bateaux, on September 22. [31] [32] These were to be used to transport the troops up the Kennebec and Dead rivers, then down the Chaudière River to Quebec City. The expedition had numerous difficulties that slowed its progress, including several lengthy and difficult portages, bad weather, inaccurate maps, and troops inexperienced in handling the boats. As a result, the expedition took much longer than expected, 500 men either died or turned back, and the remnants were near starvation when they reached the Saint Lawrence River in November. [33]

The British had been alerted to Arnold's approach and had destroyed all of the boats on the river's southern banks. Although two warships, the frigate Lizard (26 guns) and the sloop-of-war Cazador (16 guns), kept up a constant patrol to prevent a river crossing, Arnold was able to procure sufficient watercraft for his men, and crossed to the Quebec City side on November 11. [34] He then realized his force was not strong enough to capture the city, so he retreated several miles and waited for Montgomery. [35]

In late August, Montgomery sailed north from Fort Ticonderoga with about 1,200 men. [36] After successfully besieging Fort Saint-Jean, he captured Montreal on November 13. The two men joined forces in early December, and with their combined force of about 1,200 soldiers, they attacked Quebec on December 31, 1775. [37] The colonial forces suffered a disastrous defeat at the hands of General Guy Carleton, governor of Quebec and commander of the British forces. Montgomery was killed leading an assault along with all but one of his officers his men never got close to the walls. Arnold's force made a descent into the lower town. Early in the battle, Arnold was wounded in the leg, but stayed on the battlefield encouraging his troops on. Daniel Morgan's rifle company, the most successful of the American troops, fought inside the city until Morgan was cornered and forced to surrender. Many others were killed or wounded, and hundreds were taken prisoner. [38]

The remnants of the army, reduced by the battle and by expiring enlistments to some 600 men, now came under Arnold's command. Instead of retreating, Arnold maintained a minimally effective siege around the city. [39] In this time Arnold learned that he had been promoted to brigadier general in January for his success in reaching Quebec City. [40] He also had a run-in with John Brown, who was now a major and had come north with Montgomery. Montgomery had apparently promised Brown a promotion, which he then applied to Arnold to receive. Arnold, apparently still smarting over the perceived slights at Ticonderoga, denied the promotion, which Brown promptly appealed directly to Congress. Arnold's response to this threat to his authority was to accuse Brown, and also Easton, who had been present when Montgomery took Montreal but had returned south, of improperly plundering the bags of British officers. When Brown insisted on a court martial to clear his name, Arnold again refused, attempting to further smear the two men through the use of intermediaries. (Brown never received a formal hearing on Arnold's charges.) [41]

Arnold maintained the siege until the spring of 1776, when reinforcements under Brigadier General David Wooster arrived. Arnold traveled to Montreal to take up military command of that city. [42]

In May 1776, while a delegation of the Continental Congress was visiting Montreal, a large British fleet began arriving in Quebec, precipitating the retreat of the Continental Army from Quebec City. [43] Arnold's administration of Montreal became complicated by a British-Indian force's attack on an American fort at The Cedars, upriver from Montreal, in May that began to unfold while he was attending a war council with the retreating army's command and the Congressional delegation at Sorel. He returned to Montreal to organize a response, and, with the assistance of timely reinforcements, reached an agreement for a prisoner exchange with the British, who were holding the garrison from the fort. [44] In a war council discussing how to respond to the incident, Arnold had a heated exchange with Moses Hazen, the commander of the 2nd Canadian Regiment, that was the beginning of a series of disputes between them that eventually resulted in courts martial of both men. [45]

Arnold then began preparing to evacuate the American garrison from Montreal. Pursuant to instructions from the Congressmen he began seizing supplies from local merchants, issuing receipts for the goods that the merchants could use in compensation claims later. These goods, which were marked to identify the supplying merchant, were shipped to Fort Chambly in early June. [46] Hazen, who owned property in the area and was in command at Chambly, refused to store the goods, believing them to be goods seized improperly from merchants he knew. [47]

Arnold's anger at Hazen's act needed to be held back the British advance up the St. Lawrence almost caught him by surprise. He was alerted that British ships were approaching the city by a messenger he sent toward Sorel for news. [48] Upon departure from the city, he ordered fires to be set in an attempt to burn the city before the British arrived, and then went to Saint-Jean, where he joined the rear of the retreating army. Arnold directed his forces to destroy by burning or sinking any ships the British could use on Lake Champlain, and set fire to the fort and nearby works. [49] Arnold is reported to have waited until the vanguard of the British army came into musket range before shooting his own horse dead and pushing off from Saint-Jean and departing up the Richelieu to Champlain. [50]

Arnold then spent the summer of 1776 coordinating the construction of a flotilla of small warships and gunboats at Skenesborough, to delay the British further by denying them free access to the lake. The British responded by building a much larger lake flotilla at Saint-Jean, which they launched in early October. The British destroyed Arnold's flotilla at the Battle of Valcour Island in mid-October, and advanced as far as Crown Point. However, winter was setting in, so General Carleton called off the advance. [17]

During the fleet's construction, Arnold ordered the arrest and trial of Hazen for dereliction of his duty with respect to the incident at Chambly. [51] Hazen, a politically well-connected figure (his commission to lead the 2nd Canadian came after appearing before Congress following the Battle of Quebec), turned the proceeding on its head, countercharging that Arnold had stolen the goods in question, [52] and that the officer responsible for transporting them, a Major Scott, had damaged them in transit. [53] Major Scott's testimony was questioned and eventually rejected by the court martial, [54] which acquitted Hazen and ordered Arnold's arrest. General Horatio Gates, then in command at Ticonderoga, dissolved the arrest warrant, citing the desperate need for Arnold's services against the expected British attack. [52] Arnold's silence in response to Hazen's accusation probably confirmed and deepened the opinions people already held of him those favorably disposed to him perceived it as a dignified non-response to a ridiculous accusation, while those who disliked him saw it as the reaction of a man whose hand had been caught in the till. Historians continue to debate whether Arnold was actually engaged in anything illegal. [55] In the aftermath of these incidents, Congressman Samuel Chase warned Arnold that "your best friends are not your countrymen". [56]

Much of the army at Ticonderoga was ordered to march south in November, to reinforce Washington's army in the defense of New Jersey. In Albany, Arnold was again made to face formal charges. Brown and Hazen had each drawn up charges relating to earlier actions. Hazen charged defamation of character over the accusations Arnold had earlier levelled against him, and Brown accused him of a variety of minor charges, but also two peculiar ones: first, that Arnold had deliberately spread smallpox throughout the army in Quebec, and second, that Arnold had, during the raid on Saint-Jean, made "a treasonable attempt to make his escape . to the enemy." [57] General Gates refused a hearing of Brown's charges, and a court martial, although it determined that Arnold's accusation against Hazen constituted "an aspersion of Colonel Hazen's character", imposed no punishment. [57] In the winter of 1776–77, Brown published a handbill that claimed of Arnold, "Money is this man's God, and to get enough of it he would sacrifice his country". [58]

Washington assigned Arnold to the army's Eastern Department in December 1776 to assist in the defense of Rhode Island, where the British had occupied Newport. [59] In February 1777, Arnold was passed over for promotion to major general by Congress, prompting him to consider resigning. [60] He was visiting his family in New Haven when word arrived of a British action against an army supply depot in Danbury. Arnold and General Wooster helped to marshal militia response to this action, which culminated in the Battle of Ridgefield, where Wooster was killed and Arnold was again wounded in the leg. Arnold distinguished himself by continuing to regroup the militia companies and harrying the British forces all the way to the coast. He received promotion to major general for this action, [61] although his seniority over the earlier appointments would not be restored until after his valiant leadership in the decisive battles of Saratoga in fall 1777. [62]

While recovering from wounds incurred at Saratoga, Arnold was given military command of Philadelphia following the British withdrawal from that city. [63] There he became embroiled in political and legal disputes that apparently convinced him to change sides in 1779. [64] [65] Negotiating with British Major John André for more than one year, his plot to surrender West Point failed in 1780 with André's capture and eventual hanging. [66] His British military service began with an expedition to raid American supply depots in Virginia in 1781, during which the only major action was the Battle of Blandford. He was then sent on a raid against New London, Connecticut in early September in a fruitless attempt to divert Washington's march to face Cornwallis in Virginia. [67] He sailed for London at the end of 1781, on a ship that also carried Lord Cornwallis, who had been released on parole after his surrender at Yorktown. [68] Despite repeated attempts to gain command positions in the British Army or with the British East India Company, he was given no more military commands. He resumed business activities, engaging in trade while based at first in Saint John, New Brunswick and then London. On June 14, 1801 Benedict Arnold slipped into a coma and died. [69] [70]


Did the Continental Congress Prolong the War

Been doing a lot of research about the Generals during the American Revolutionary War, in particular Benedict Arnold.

After Benedict Arnold was first passed over for a Major General promotion he sent in his resignation to Washington to which Washington would not accept and told Congress that they should stop playing politics as many of their best generals would resign because of it.

Benedict Arnold, Nathanael Greene and Daniel Morgan were each passed over for men like Charles Lee, Horatio Gates and Benjamin Lincoln.

Arnold, Greene and Morgan all knew how to fight the British by using guerrilla tactics.

Just an observation that I wanted to throw out there. Would the American Revolutionary War have ended quicker and France gotten involved sooner if these three men would have been elevated instead of the others. I don't believe Arnold would have committed Treason if he had been given the rank he deserved. that does not excuse his actions and he should have been hanged.

Buflineks

Been doing a lot of research about the Generals during the American Revolutionary War, in particular Benedict Arnold.

After Benedict Arnold was first passed over for a Major General promotion he sent in his resignation to Washington to which Washington would not accept and told Congress that they should stop playing politics as many of their best generals would resign because of it.

Benedict Arnold, Nathanael Greene and Daniel Morgan were each passed over for men like Charles Lee, Horatio Gates and Benjamin Lincoln.

Arnold, Greene and Morgan all knew how to fight the British by using guerrilla tactics.

Just an observation that I wanted to throw out there. Would the American Revolutionary War have ended quicker and France gotten involved sooner if these three men would have been elevated instead of the others. I don't believe Arnold would have committed Treason if he had been given the rank he deserved. that does not excuse his actions and he should have been hanged.

Greene was not a Guerilla tactian, he was a "Line General". But he did recognize the benefit of unorthodox tactics and proper use of certian militia. Same goes for Morgan.

France came in after Saratoga, and most historians I think will agree that the success of that campaign wasn't so much due to Gates, as it was to Arnold and some small extent Morgan.

The problem with the Continental Congress was the Articles of Confederation. It showed the deficieny then as well as later and led to the Consitutional Convention.

To be honest, I and others think that C. Lee and Gates for lack of better descriptions were "tools". They wanted overall command and were disgruntled that an "Upstart" Virginian was given command over them.

Yakmatt

Green was a civilian before the war. He won promotion quickly but made major mistakes at Ft Washington. He learned on the job and was considered one of the top US commanders by the end of the war. Arnold was a daring leader but was involved in controversy and on the wrong side of political battles. Morgan was poorly educated and enjoyed drinking and gambling. Morgan had served as a civilian teamster during the French and Indian War. After returning from the advance on Fort Duquesne (Pittsburgh) by General Braddock's command, he was punished with 499 lashes (a usually fatal sentence) for punching his superior officer. Morgan thus acquired a hatred for the British Army. [ame=http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Daniel_Morgan]Daniel Morgan - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia[/ame]


Both Lee and Gates had command experience in the as Majors British Army. Lee was responsible for stopping the British invasion of Charleston and was with Washington at Boston. He also served in the polish army. Gates was a major during the 7 years war. So both had a pedigree that would earn them top command spots.

Of course both men caused problems for the American side. Gates was incompetent. And Lee worked to undermine Washington, got captured, and disgraced himself at Monmouth.

MattV

This is the key point. When Congress was picking who to promote they went to the men with the most experience. Lee and Gates had the experience, Greene, Arnold, and Morgan did not. Considering how inexperienced the Continental Army was Congress was definitely going to pick men with experience over men with little or no experience. We have the benefit of hindsight so we know that these were poor choices but at the time you can't blame Congress for thinking Lee and Gates were better choices.

You asked if France would have gotten involved sooner if Greene, Arnold and Morgan were promoted over Gates and Lee, and I think the answer is definitely no. France was waiting for a decisive victory to get involved in the war, and if Congress was promoting men with no experience over men with experience that would have caused some raised eyebrows and more hesitation at the least. Remember even though neither was the commanding general at Saratoga both Arnold and Morgan were there and played significant roles in the victory.

Knarly Dan

Betgo

This is the key point. When Congress was picking who to promote they went to the men with the most experience. Lee and Gates had the experience, Greene, Arnold, and Morgan did not. Considering how inexperienced the Continental Army was Congress was definitely going to pick men with experience over men with little or no experience. We have the benefit of hindsight so we know that these were poor choices but at the time you can't blame Congress for thinking Lee and Gates were better choices.

You asked if France would have gotten involved sooner if Greene, Arnold and Morgan were promoted over Gates and Lee, and I think the answer is definitely no. France was waiting for a decisive victory to get involved in the war, and if Congress was promoting men with no experience over men with experience that would have caused some raised eyebrows and more hesitation at the least. Remember even though neither was the commanding general at Saratoga both Arnold and Morgan were there and played significant roles in the victory.

It wasn't like the Civil War with all the West Point graduates. That is why they brought in so many European officers. Washington had been a militia officer and aide de camp in the French and Indian War, but was not a professional soldier.

Greene was of middle class background and not much military experience. Morgan was from a poor background. Arnold was a businessman before the war and a militia officer.

Mangekyou

Greene was not a good field commander. In the southern theatre he lost every battle. What he do was keep his continental army in existence and in companionship with units of the guerillas. This enabled him to adopt a flexible strategy, which eventually cornered the British in Yorktown. This was also a case early in the war. Howe failed to destroy the field army of Washington, despite having numerous chances to do so. As a result, it was able to drill itself and survive Valley Forge, and pick decisive moments to strike at Trenton and Princeton.

Both Morgan and Arnold were valuable assets. Morgan was a pugnacious leader, and his sharpshooters proved their worth during the battles at Saratoga and later on at Cowpens, where he developed a flexible "spring" like formation to defeat Tarleton who was rather impulsive in his direct charge as was his style Speed and penetration.

Arnold also proved himself at Saratoga, and in Canada. both times his influence was decisive. In Canade he built a matchbox fleet that even though destroyed at Valcour island, was able to delay the southern thrust of Carleton by a year and forced him into winter quarters. He coul'dve destroyed the navy a year earlier than Valcour, but as stated above, Arnolds quick and decisive thinking made him take to winter quarters. He was also the single most decisive figure at Saratoga, where without his defiance at Gates, the Americans surely would have been broken by the tenacity of the British troops.


Both of these two men exhiibted excellent thinking and leadership abilities, probably the best two American generals of the war, yet the had something in common they were both unorthodox and not afraid to disobey command. As such they were bypassed for commands at times, and Arnold later defected.

The History Junkie

Greene was not a good field commander. In the southern theatre he lost every battle. What he do was keep his continental army in existence and in companionship with units of the guerillas. This enabled him to adopt a flexible strategy, which eventually cornered the British in Yorktown. This was also a case early in the war. Howe failed to destroy the field army of Washington, despite having numerous chances to do so. As a result, it was able to drill itself and survive Valley Forge, and pick decisive moments to strike at Trenton and Princeton.

Both Morgan and Arnold were valuable assets. Morgan was a pugnacious leader, and his sharpshooters proved their worth during the battles at Saratoga and later on at Cowpens, where he developed a flexible "spring" like formation to defeat Tarleton who was rather impulsive in his direct charge as was his style Speed and penetration.

Arnold also proved himself at Saratoga, and in Canada. both times his influence was decisive. In Canade he built a matchbox fleet that even though destroyed at Valcour island, was able to delay the southern thrust of Carleton by a year and forced him into winter quarters. He coul'dve destroyed the navy a year earlier than Valcour, but as stated above, Arnolds quick and decisive thinking made him take to winter quarters. He was also the single most decisive figure at Saratoga, where without his defiance at Gates, the Americans surely would have been broken by the tenacity of the British troops.


Both of these two men exhiibted excellent thinking and leadership abilities, probably the best two American generals of the war, yet the had something in common they were both unorthodox and not afraid to disobey command. As such they were bypassed for commands at times, and Arnold later defected.

While I agree about Arnold and Morgan, I have to disagree with Greene. He did something very similar to Morgan at Guilford Courthouse and although he did not technically win it stopped Cornwallis and made him retreat back to Yorktown. It is hard to look over the words of Washington when he said that if he were to die in battle that he wanted Nathanael Greene to take over his command. While I don't believe that Greene was a better field commander than Morgan or Arnold he was certainly better than Gates, Lee and Lincoln. Also Greene was better at logistics than any General in the war which is often overlooked.

When Congress was looking for another commander in the South they chose Gates, although Washington wanted Greene. Throughout history I never understand when bureaucrats decide military decisions like that rather than listen to their commanders in the field, especially the commander-in-chief. If Greene and Morgan would have been put in that position instead of Gates I believe that Camden would have never happened.

Arnold was such a fighter and great battle commander that I don't know what he would have done after Saratoga. The same goes for Morgan. By the time Cowpens happened Morgan's sciatica was so bad he had to resign after.

Gates = incompetent and saved by Arnold and Morgan at Saratoga.
Lincoln = Incompetent
Lee = Average, but was a traiter before Arnold ever was.


Benedict Arnold: A Question of Honor

Benedict Arnold: A Question of Honor is a 2003 American television film directed by Mikael Salomon and starring Aidan Quinn, Kelsey Grammer, Flora Montgomery and John Light. It portrays the career of Benedict Arnold in the American Revolutionary War and his dramatic switch in 1780 from fighting for American Independence to being a Loyalist trying to preserve British rule in America. Arnold's relationships with his wife Peggy Shippen and the British officer John André are focused on. The friction between Arnold and General Horatio Gates, portrayed near the beginning of the film (for example, in one scene when Arnold derisively refers to him as "Granny Gates"), was historically accurate. The movie points out that, before his treason, Arnold was considered a patriot and a hero. A letter from General Washington is read at the beginning where he enthusiastically recommends Arnold for promotion saying that there is no general in the army more deserving and even comparing him to Hannibal. The movie briefly documents Arnold's final years of exile in England in which he laments his treasonous acts, realizing that he is despised and that people compare him with Judas and Lucifer.

The movie opens with these words:

The American Revolution bitterly divided the people:
A third calling themselves Patriots fought for a free and independent nation.
A third called themselves Loyalists remaining loyal to Great Britain.
A third remained neutral.
Against the world's greatest power, the patriots suffered many defeats.
Thousands gave their lives for an ideal:
The United States of America.

In a letter to the Continental Congress, George Washington recommends Brigadier General Benedict Arnold for promotion to Major General for the numerous acts of heroism he made as an ardent Patriot. Washington first cites Arnold's invasion of Canada through the Maine wilderness, a feat he compares to Hannibal's march over the Alps. Washington notes that if Arnold hadn't been wounded during the Battle of Quebec, Canada would now be the 14th State. He then notes Arnold's victory in the Battle of Valcour Island in which that although Arnold lost all his ships, he succeeded in stopping an invasion from the north by the British. He also reveals that he is now helping General Horatio Gates stave off another invasion from the north.

At Saratoga, Gates has called Arnold off the battlefield. Gates tells him that he has ordered a retreat. Arnold reminds him that they have a joint command of the Northern Army and that he therefore cannot order a retreat without consulting with him first. Gates reveals that thanks to his political connections Congress has elevated him to First in Command of the Northern Army and restates his order. Arnold refuses to comply and instead leads the Northern Army to victory, at the cost of being shot in his leg. Arnold's victory forces British General Burgoyne to surrender to Gates. Gates claims all the credit for the victory while Arnold undergoes treatment for his leg after he refuses to have it amputated. Gates goes on to command the Continental Army's Southern Army while Arnold goes home after the treatment is over.

Months later, Arnold is invited by Washington to join him at Valley Forge were his is made a ranking Major General. Meanwhile, in Philadelphia, the British are about to evacuate the city for New York City. Captain John André promises his girlfriend Peggy Shippen he will return for her. Sometime later, Arnold arrives in the city due to being appointed by Washington as Military Governor with his aide de camp Major David Franks. Joseph Reed, Pennsylvania's Governor, tries to intimidate him but Arnold faces the Pennsylvania Militia down in a way that makes them stand down. Peggy, who was watching, is impressed. Later, Arnold makes a deal with a merchant to supply army wagons that will bring his goods to Philadelphia in return for fifty percent of the profits. He then hosts a party to celebrate the second Independence Day. At the party, he meets Peggy and falls in love with her. Reed, who is attending, again tries to intimidate Arnold but again Arnold makes him back down.

Arnold courts Peggy and eventually proposes marriage to her. Peggy's father Judge Shippen objects to the marriage because of Arnold's self-righteous Puritanism, his lowly circumstances, his reputation as a "thin-skinned hothead", Reed's attacks on his character in newspapers, and his being a cripple because of his injury at Saratoga. Arnold’s honor would not let him marry Peggy unless he agrees to a court-martial in order to clear his name. Arnold goes to Washington to request a court-martial. He then goes back and marries Peggy. That night, Mount Pleasant, Arnold's Pennsylvanian home, is besieged by an angry mob over his marriage. Arnold sends Franks to Washington to send Continental soldiers to protect his house, his sister Hannah Arnold, his sons Benedict Arnold VI, Richard Arnold and Henry Arnold, and Peggy. However, when Franks returns he informs Arnold that Washington will send no troops and instead presents Arnold with a bill from the Continental Congress for the use of the army wagons. Peggy convinces her husband that Congress and Washington do not value him and do not appreciate his sacrifices and to defect to the British army. Peggy sends a letter to André, who has long since become a Major and the Adjunct General in the British Army. Major André informs Sir Henry Clinton, the Commander in Chief of the British Army, that Arnold wants to defect and offer his services to the Crown. Sir Henry tells Andre to send a letter back to demand that the "American Achilles" deliver up West Point to them to test Arnold. Arnold sends back terms to them. He then attends his court marshal. Meanwhile, it's revealed that the reason Washington did not send troops is because the Continental Army is in a state of mutiny. Arnold is reprimanded by Washington for being a war profiteer on Congress's orders. It quickly becomes clear to Arnold that he is now held in contempt when a soldier who once praised him mouths off to him. Washington offers Arnold command of the Left Wing of the Main Continental Army so he can return to active service and regain the esteem of the Continentals. This makes Arnold have second thought about his decision to defect as this will make him second in command of the entire Continental Army. Peggy tells him it is too late as Sir Henry has already agreed to the deal he offered. Arnold goes back to Washington to beg him for command of West Point. Washington grants him his request.

Six months later, Arnold and Peggy are living right beside West Point with their infant son Edward Arnold. Arnold meets with Joshua Smith who informs him that André will meet with him aboard the HMS Vulture. However the ship opens fire on him. Peggy informs him that it was a gunboat that opened fire on him not the Vulture. Arnold informs her Washington and his General Staff are coming. Peggy tells Benedict that if he delivers them up to the British as well he will no doubt be made a Lord and Viceroy of British America. Arnold sends a message to André offering this and demanding that André meet him on land. Sir Henry agrees to this and tells André he will be given a knighthood when he returns. Franks confronts Arnold about his business with Smith and Arnold tells him Smith is part of a plan to end the war.

André arrives and they work out the plan to take West Point and the Continental General Staff. However, cannons open fire on the Vulture and André is forced to return on land. However, he's caught by skinners and turned over to Colonel John Jameson. Jameson sends news of "Anderson's" capture to Arnold and the plans to West Point to Washington. Upon getting the message, Arnold thanks Franks for his devotion and flees to the Vulture which he escapes on. Washington arrives to find the Fort and men unarmed and the sentries missing and demands to know what's going on. The messenger with the plans for West Point arrives and delivers them and a letter to His Excellency General Washington. Washington tells everyone "Arnold has betrayed us! Apparently, he was about to deliver up West Point to the enemy with all of us! If our greatest warrior is a traitor can anyone be trusted?!" Franks, Smith, and Joseph Calhoon are arrested. The men at West are called back to the Fort where they are told to put down the picks and shovels Arnold ordered them to carry around and pick up their muskets. The cannons are soon put back in place. West Point is soon prepared for a British attack. Arnold now a British Brigadier General offers himself up for André. Sir Henry refuses on the ground a deserter is never given up. Arnold replies he does not consider himself a deserter to which Sir Henry tells him "What you think you are and what the world assigns will always be at odds." André is hung.

Eighteen years later, Arnold and Peggy are living in the United Kingdom. Arnold is forced to realize that he is hated as a man whose name will be ranked in granite amongst the betrayers. The epilogue announces that Arnold died three years later and that his only monument at Saratoga does not bear his name but merely reads "In memory of the most brilliant soldier of the Continental Army who was desperately wounded in this spot winning the most decisive battle of the Revolution and for himself the rank of Major General."


Ver el vídeo: Benedict Arnold: The Untold Story of An American Hero (Agosto 2022).